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After Europe, by Ivan Krastev
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Review
"Ivan Krastev's elegant and insightful volume establishes him as the most brilliant and iconoclastic thinker on Europe's future. This short aphoristic volume turns many of the established ways of looking at Europe on their head, bringing added depth to discussions of populism and Europe's political counterrevolution. At a time of pessimism, Krastev ends in a strangely optimistic way with his paean to the legitimacy that can come from the very act of survival."—Mark Leonard, European Council on Foreign Relations"Ivan Krastev's beautifully lucid After Europe packs an enormous amount of wisdom into a very short space. He helps us to understand the hostility to the European ideal in the UK and across the channel and to think about the challenges facing the EU in the near future."—Raymon Tallis, TLS books of the year"Krastev is one of Europe's most interesting public intellectuals. In what is essentially a long essay he argues that the refugee crisis threatens to widen the gap between elites and voters in ways that threaten the future of the entire European project."—Gideon Rachman, Financial Times"Satisfyingly intelligent on our predicament or predicaments."—Michael Hoffman, TLS books of the year"Few people question the conventional wisdom like Ivan Krastev."—George Soros"Written with the author's characteristic verve, this bracing book offers a fresh understanding of the current crisis in Europe. Motivated by apprehension yet tinged with realistic optimism, it powerfully highlights why clashing solidarities, declining compassion, resurgent nationalism, and growing geographic divisions demand creative, perhaps surprising, acts of democratic guardianship."—Ira I. Katznelson, author of Fear Itself: The New Deal and the Origins of Our Time"To read this book is to be in the company of one of the great European minds of today. With his characteristic combination of perceptiveness and sympathy, Ivan Krastev gives us in this learned essay just what we need to understand Europe's crisis—and to contemplate our own."—Timothy Snyder, Yale University"Ivan Krastev is one of the sharpest and most elegant political writers to emerge from eastern Europe in recent years. In this slim volume, which is a treasure chest of striking observations and colorful vignettes, the Bulgarian commentator brings a distinctly East European sense of tragedy to Europe's multiple crises."—Sunday Times"Ivan Krastev is one of the most interesting thinkers of our time. A juggler of paradoxes, an assailer of conventional wisdoms—you may not always agree but you will never be bored. At once an antidote to foolish optimism and to resigned pessimism, this fascinating meditation on the collapse of Europe as we know it is classic Krastev."—Robert Kagan
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About the Author
Ivan Krastev is Chair of the Center for Liberal Strategies in Sofia, Bulgaria, and a permanent fellow at the Institute for Human Sciences, Vienna. He is a contributing opinion writer for the International New York Times and author of Democracy Disrupted: The Politics of Global Protest, also available from the University of Pennsylvania Press.
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Product details
Hardcover: 128 pages
Publisher: University of Pennsylvania Press (May 8, 2017)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 0812249437
ISBN-13: 978-0812249439
Product Dimensions:
5.7 x 0.7 x 8.6 inches
Shipping Weight: 10.4 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
Average Customer Review:
4.8 out of 5 stars
13 customer reviews
Amazon Best Sellers Rank:
#527,265 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
Ivan Krastev is Bulgarian and is described on the dust jacket as “one of Europe’s leading thinkers.†Krastev also writes op-ed columns for the New York Times. In a subtle way, “After Europe†questions the purpose of the EU. The organization is becoming more powerful and it may have outlived its usefulness.Krastev is concerned that the EU could disintegrate and believes that its problems started with Merkel’s decision to allow over a million Syrian refugees to settle in Europe. He believes that Europe is governed by an out-of-touch elite which doesn’t listen to ordinary people, especially on topics like immigration. The rise of new nationalistic parties in Germany, France, and Italy indicates that the post-war Western European consensus is starting to break-down. Brexit had little to do with the Syrian refugees, it had been brewing since Margaret Thatcher’s Euroscepticism forced her out of office in 1990.Krastev compares the EU to the Habsburg Empire, which was dismantled in 1919. The EU’s bureaucracy is trying to create something similar. The EU has served a useful purpose in bringing countries together, but Krastev does not explain why the EU is still needed. To euro enthusiasts, its value is self-evident but is there a need for deeper political union given the cultural and economic differences between member states? The centralization of power has gotten Europe into trouble in the past and the EU was supposed to be a new beginning. The EU now wants its own army and European empires like to be obeyed. I have found the threats emanating from Brussels during the Brexit negotiations disturbing. Former Treasury Secretary, Tim Geithner claims that the EU wanted American support to remove the Italian president Silvio Berlusconi in 2011. Berlusconi claims he was ousted in a coup. An EU army may not be a good idea.The EU has helped reintegrate the Warsaw Pact countries which were looking for a home after the demise of the Soviet Union. Britain did a lot to promote the EU’s enlargement and ironically it is now leaving because of the extra budget payments and disruptive immigration. The eastern countries are becoming more confident and are starting to question the rules of the club. The EU wants to grow and is always on the lookout for new members. The EU’s courtship of Ukraine allowed Germany to assume geopolitical leadership of Europe for the first time since 1945. Jean-Claude Juncker, president of the EU Commision, now wants the EU to expand into the Balkans.Krastev argues that to survive the EU needs to retain the free movement of people, democracy, the euro, and the European Court of Human Rights. The Human Rights Court actually has nothing to do with the EU, it is not an EU court. The free movement of people is controversial in a community of 510 million people where there are big differences in living standards. It has caused a brain drain in the east. He points out that a Bulgarian nurse can earn seven times as much in London. Over two million Bulgarians are living abroad in a country with a population of seven million. He believes Bulgaria, is facing a potential collapse of the nation as so many young people leave to work and live abroad.This westward movement of people has also caused friction in the West. There are now one million Poles living in the UK. The Poles are cheap and hard-working, but their presence deprives Britons of work. They are entitled to free medical care and this has caused a strain on the health service. For Britons, immigration from Eastern Europe was a major issue in the Brexit debate. Many feel that too much immigration is changing the culture of the country. However, the affluent and big business, extol the benefits of cheap immigrant labor.As for the euro. The American Nobel prize winner and Columbia professor, Joe Stiglitz, has claimed that it can only work as a currency if the EU becomes more integrated, just like the U.S. Economic decisions must be taken centrally and transfer payments made, between the richer and poorer regions. For example, in the U.S., taxes from Massachusetts help subsidize Mississippi. This seems unlikely to happen in the EU; the frugal Germans don’t want to hand over more of their taxes to spendthrift southern Europeans. For everyone, apart from the Germans, the euro has been a disaster. German exports are about 20% undervalued and this helps their export-led economy. However, Italy has enjoyed zero economic growth since it joined the euro in 1999. As a currency, the euro is fundamentally flawed, and logic would dictate it can’t survive long term. In the recent Italian election, many populist politicians were demanding that the country withdraws from the euro.Large parts of Europe have limited experience of democracy. Even France had a coup in the late 1950s and installed de Gaulle as a de facto dictator. In Eastern Europe, the people have often preferred order to democracy. Russia tried democracy under Yeltsin, but the economic chaos made Putin’s authoritarianism seem attractive. Putin is surprisingly popular in Russia. Russians still regard Stalin as the greatest person in history, despite the millions he killed. Mark Mazower, who teaches at Columbia, has written a fascinating book called “Dark Continent†on Europe’s historically ambivalent attitude to democracy and its willingness to embrace totalitarianism. Most European countries are used to authoritarian leaders, liberal democracy is a recent development.The pooling of sovereignty in the EU is increasingly at odds with national sovereignty and democracy. Voters in Britain often have little say on new laws and they often resent it. Britain did decline to join the euro because it believed it was a stupid idea and it would wreck its economy. Smaller member states are expected to do what they are told. Polish social values are still influenced by the Catholic church. Its traditional views on moral issues, like abortion and gay marriage, often clash with the more progressive views popular in Western Europe.Countries like Hungary are keen to preserve their distinctive national culture and are often accused of racism because they fear too much immigration. Hungary was defeated at the Battle of Mohacs in 1526 by a Muslim army and lost its independence. It has been told by the EU that it must embrace Muslim immigration. President Orban of Hungary is another popular authoritarian who recently won two-thirds of the seats in the recent parliamentary elections. President Macron of France has recently spoken of a future European civil war between the authoritarians in the East (e.g., Poland and Hungary) and the West because he claims they are renouncing liberal democracy.Greece found itself under EU control after the financial crises and its leader replaced. As a result of the EU's insane economic policies, Greece lost 30% of its GDP. Its unemployment rate is still over 20%. Italy, Spain, and France have also suffered low economic growth and high unemployment since the crises. According to Krastev, they all have political parties that blame an alliance between “cosmopolitan-minded elites and tribal-minded immigrants†for their problems.Krastev writes from an Eastern European perspective. He has a chapter called “We the Europeans†but Bulgaria has only been a member of the EU since 2007 and it has not been allowed to join the eurozone. Eastern Europe’s history has been very different from the West. Bulgaria was a member of the Warsaw Pact until 1992 and fought on the German side in both world wars. It was ruled by Muslims for five centuries and was eventually liberated in 1908. Most Britons know little about countries like Bulgaria. Krastev wants to believe that all EU countries share a common bond and destiny. The reality is that the countries often have little in common.A minority of voters in Western Europe want a federal Europe. Macron has admitted that if the French people were given a referendum on leaving the EU they would vote to leave, that is why he can’t allow it to happen. Polls in the UK show that only 8% of Britons want further EU integration and only 3% want a federal Europe. Even in Germany, the idea of a federal Europe is unpopular, so Merkel has avoided discussion of further integration.Many EU countries face long-term problems caused by immigration and the euro. The book is at least willing to discuss some of them. There needs to be a consensus on the future of the EU, but the elites don't want to ask the people, because they won’t like the answer. I agree with Krastev that the primary loyalty of Europe's elites seems to be to the EU. They have more in common with each other than with their fellow countrymen.
If politics is not your forte, but you'd like to understand what's going on in Europe (or isn't happening, but should, if you prefer), this is a book for you. Although the message of this book is not exactly what I am suggesting here, the conclusions for an average person could be summarized as follow. If you are an European living in the US, this book should put to rest your impulse to go back. If you are an European living in one of the countries that are (still) part of the European Union, probably you should think twice (or you should call your government). If you are an European living outside of the EU and would like to emigrate, you should carefully make your choice. If you are an European and would like to emigrate to Canada, don't bother; it's the same. The last is a personal opinion.The author is world renowned philosopher and one of the 100 most influential people in the world.
Ivan Krastev has recently been picked up by The New York Times as an editorial monthly contributor an indication he is worth hearing. In this short work he shows that there are conflicting forces developing within the EU and their origins but does not see then as necessarily destructive. One of the most interesting being how different the post-Soviet states and their populations view what was the unifying core of the EU’s Western Liberal Democratic Institutions, and a general trust in governing procedures, as membership has shifted eastward to illiberal democracies lacking that trust.To this he adds all the factors buffing up Populist parties some of which now are in power. This is the major thrust of the work and supporting views generally lacking in the western media; although Populism since Trump’s election has its coverage.This is an informative and entertaining read. If it has a weakness it is not leaning into the economic policies of Austerity that have opened divisions along north-south lines and buffered all states; he covers such lightly and those stories are told elsewhere.*For eastern Europeans the economics of the EU has had a different impact, the depopulation of countries encouraged by monetary motivations, an early immigration problem in for example GB not mentioned by the author.The unyielding responses to Brussels demands for the current refugee crisis particularly in Hungry and the rising of Walls where there were none, point to problems that call for changing notions of governing: ‘the EU a less powerful influence over their nations.’This may be a constant in his journalistic works to come and making the EU into a better fit for the world that seems to be forming pulling the Center dramatically further Eastward.Krastev can deal with that one suspects.As he writes: “…we need to leave behind our naïve hopes and expectations about the future shape of Europe and the world.†pp. 9-10No instant answers, but solutions likely strengthen now by the story of ‘Brexit.’5 Stars*One of the best focusing on the EU, Mark Blyth, Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea.
The smartest and most informed book on Europe from an intellectual who actually lives there (in Bulgaria). The news about Europe is not good, but the messenger is concise, erudite, deep, and truthful. This book is scary, but it is also enlightening, interesting, and does justice to Europe and to its readers.
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